La domanda non riguarda solo gli italiani, ma anche gli egiziani. Soprattutto alla vigilia (2011) delle elezioni presidenziali, in cui la wildcard ElBaradei non può presentarsi se non viene sostenuto da un partito già esistente. Una forca caudina determinata dai cambiamenti costituzionali decisi dal regime egiziano nel 2005 e contestati, allora, da un’opposizione che si rese visibile. Oggi Al Masri Al Youm parla di un convegno universitario che è tutto fuorché relegato alla dimensione accademica. Sui cambiamenti costituzionali, appunto. A firmare l’articolo è Hassan Nafaa, uno dei protagonisti della coalizione che si è formata attorno a Mohammed el Baradei.
1) The current regime and Constitution are defective beyond repair, therefore an alternative political system and new constitution are needed.
2) The alternative political system must be fully democratic, approved by parties across the political spectrum, and must establish a modern civil state based on the principles of citizenship and equality. The new regime must also allow the maximum possible level of political participation and have clear mechanisms to ensure the devolution of power, transparency, and accountability.
The detailed debates showed that the problem isn’t with the formulation of a new constitution, but rather with the political and procedural process that will determine “who” has the power to endorse a final version of the constitution before calling for a popular referendum.
All participants therefore agreed that the upcoming legislative and presidential elections are of paramount importance to the political future of Egypt.
But to ensure the integrity and transparency of elections, immediate amendments to the Constitution are needed–especially to Articles 76 and 88, to allow independent candidates to compete for the presidency and to permit full judicial supervision of the elections.